Sunday, October 25, 2015

!! PDF Download Madam Prime Minister: A Life in Power and Politics, by Gro Harlem Brundtland

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Madam Prime Minister: A Life in Power and Politics, by Gro Harlem Brundtland

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Madam Prime Minister: A Life in Power and Politics, by Gro Harlem Brundtland

One of the world's leading woman politicians tells her inspiring story

At forty-one, Gro Harlem Brundtland, physician and mother of four, was appointed prime minister of Norway-the youngest person and the first woman ever to hold that office. In this refreshingly forthright memoir, Brundtland traces her unusual and meteoric career. She grew up with strong role models-her parents were active in the Norwegian resistance and involved in postwar politics. She became known as a pro-choice crusader in the seventies and entered politics as the minister of the environment. She appointed eight women to her second eighteen-member cabinet, to this day a world record, and was the leading figure in the process that led to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. As director-general of the World Health Organization since 1997, Brundtland is the first woman elected to run a major UN institution. Along the way, she met a host of international politicians, including Margaret Thatcher-who did not share Brundtland's view on feminism-Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Ronald Reagan, and Hillary Clinton.

Brundtland writes candidly and with humor about raising children in the political limelight and about dealing with political opposition and stereotypes about women. Hers is a fascinating story of one person's ability to make a difference-globally.

  • Sales Rank: #887503 in Books
  • Published on: 2002-09-04
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.52" h x 6.36" w x 9.28" l,
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 368 pages

From Publishers Weekly
Brundtland was a fixture in Norwegian politics for 22 years. She twice served as prime minister, her final tenure from 1986 to 1996, and also served as leader of the socialist Labor Party. As she recounts here, while prime minister she crossed paths and occasionally swords with her influential contemporaries: Reagan, Bush and Clinton; Gorbachev and Yeltsin; Margaret Thatcher and John Major; and Nelson Mandela. Her familiarity with these leaders, her surprisingly worldwide political profile and her feminist worldview create an enlightening autobiography that offers a European perspective on key international issues, including nuclear weapons and disarmament, the environment and economic development. More novel to American readers than her European perspective is Brundtland's socialist politics and her views on the responsibilities of government. The extremely detailed descriptions of Norwegian politics and politicians, however, will sometimes overwhelm non-Norwegians. The last chapters deal with Brundtland's successful campaign to be Director General of the U.N.'s World Health Organization and her analysis of world health problems. The writing style is plain and direct, virtually devoid of even modest rhetorical devices. But she is thoughtful, straightforward and unflinching, even when describing heartbreaking family tragedies. There are occasional flashes of self-deprecatory humor and much introspection. The overall effect is to create a sense of intimacy between Brundtland and readers, who will find her a remarkable woman, open about the development of her political philosophy and, within the bounds of her natural reticence, about her personal life. 8 pages of b&w photos not seen by PW.
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc.

From Booklist
The first female prime minister of Norway and one of the most influential women of the late twentieth century has written a remarkably candid memoir of her life both inside and outside the political arena. A physician by training, the mother of four young children, and the wife of a leading figure in the opposition Conservative Party, Brundtland was originally tapped by Labor Party leaders to join the cabinet as minister of the environment in 1974. In addition to promoting the cause of conservation, Brundtland, an avowed feminist, also used her cabinet position to champion a variety of public health and gender-equality issues. Serving as prime minister for a total of 10 years between 1981 and 1996, she became a familiar political figure on the international stage. Currently the director-general of the World Health Organization, Brundtland recalls how she managed to achieve an enviable balance between work and family. Margaret Flanagan
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Review
"A consistently captivating memoir by a women of apparently endless accomplishment." -- Kirkus Reviews

"Gro Harlem Brundtland tells a compelling story of how she lived a life of power and politics." -- Madeleline May Kunin, former Ambassador to Switerland

"Gro Harlem Bruntland tells her extraordinary story with candor and insight." -- Patricia Ireland, former executive director of NOW

"Gro represents an earnest, optimistic commitment to social justice almost entirely absent from American politics." -- Lauren Kamin, Bust

"Madam Prime Minister is an engaging account of her life and career." -- John Van Oudenaren, Washington Post

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>> PDF Download Girls' Night Out, by Meg Cabot, Cecelia Ahern, Elizabeth Buchan

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Girls' Night Out, by Meg Cabot, Cecelia Ahern, Elizabeth Buchan

25 stories from the hottest female writers on the scene

Too tired to doll up and head out for a night on the town? (It happens to the best of us.) Just dip into this year's must-read collection for a Girls' Night Out to remember and indulge in tales of reunions and weddings, sisters and friends, endings and beginnings . . . No waiting in line, no wardrobe malfunctions, no jockeying for position as you try to catch the bartender's eye. With a lineup of fantastic writers like Meg Cabot (The Boy Next Door), Emily Giffin (Something Borrowed), Kristin Gore (Sammy's Hill0, Emma McLaughlin & Nicola Kraus (The Nanny Diaries), Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez (The Dirty Girls Social Club) and Lolly Winston (Good Grief), you'll be hanging with the VIPS all night long!

Net proceeds to benefit War Child and No Strings

Other fabulous writers featured: Jessica Adams, Cecelia Ahern, Maggie Alderson, Tilly Bagshawe, Elizabeth Buchan, Laura Caldwell, Lynda Curnyn, Kathleen DeMarco, Nicki Earls, Imogen Edwards-Jones, Robyn Harding, Lauren Henderson, Marian Keyes, Chris Manby, Carole Matthews, Anna Maxted, Lynn Messina, Sarah Mlynowski, Pamela Ribon.

  • Sales Rank: #1655599 in Books
  • Published on: 2006-06-01
  • Ingredients: Example Ingredients
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.08" h x 5.62" w x 7.90" l,
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 390 pages

From Publishers Weekly
The 25 stories in this anthology (following Girl's Night In) come from the shiniest names in chick lit, and most seem dedicated to making frustrated singles feel like their lives are very, very normal. The hilarious "Ladies' Night at Underwood Pet Hospital" by Nicki Earls features a local TV news anchor trying to meet the guy next door by being "completely charming" in her nightly broadcast and "sending him a telepathic message that went, 'Watch my news... watch my news...' " Chris Manby's offering, "Saving Amsterdam," is a sexy European exercise in getting over "the Bastard Ex." Lauren Henderson's "Last Waltz" is an introspective slow dance of miscommunication and insecurity between lovers at the fair. Tales from the wed side can also be found, like editor Mlynowski's "A Little Bit Broken" ("I am the kind of woman whose husband cheats on her at a bachelor party") and Lolly Winston's "Only Some People," an incongruous story about a middle-aged couple (with nary a Cosmopolitan in sight). Though uneven, fans of the genre won't be disappointed, and the net proceeds go to charities overseas. (June)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist
The second Red Dress Ink fiction anthology features today's hottest chick-lit writers, including Marian Keyes, Anna Maxted, Laura Caldwell, and The Nanny Diaries (2002) authors Emma McLaughlin and Nicola Kraus Meg Cabot's offering is the epistolary (twenty-first-century style, of course) "Reunion," in which two friends reluctant to attend their 10-year high-school reunion find unexpected motivation. Nina, the heroine of Emily Giffin's romantic "A Thing of Beauty," listens to her manicurist-numerologist, makes three drastic changes in her life, and meets a man who intrigues her but appears to be unavailable. She soon learns appearances can be deceiving. Kristin Gore's clever, funny "Stray" features a lonely, quirky narrator who decides to pick up a hitchhiker. Cecelia Ahern's "The End" tells a breakup story without a happy ending backward. Girls' Night Out is a riveting collection definitely worth a night in. Kristine Huntley
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Most helpful customer reviews

6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
A series of great short stories to make any girl smile
By Maggie
I bought this collection of short stories to put in our guest room, when a girlfriend was coming over for the weekend. She loved it so much, she took it home with her and returned it with her next visit. I didn't love every story, but the great thing about short stories is that you don't have to. There are more than enough great reads contained within to make this a worthwhile purchase. There is a story for every woman.

6 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
Perfect for your next girls' night in
By K. Hinton
Girls' Night Out is a collaboration effort from some of the biggest names in chick lit with proceeds to benefit War Child, an organization dedicated to easing the suffering of children around the world. The editors of this book have long-since had a similar effort organized in England with many British chick lit authors contributing, and this is the second effort in the American version of the series. The previous novel, Girls' Night In, was released in 2004 and included many of the same authors.

If you like chick lit, this is your chance to get samplings from many of your favorite authors in one convenient package and to help out a good cause while you're at it.

A couple of my favorite stories in the anthology are:

A Thing of Beauty by Emily Giffin

In this story, by-the-books actuary Kate stops living her ordinary life when her numerologist/manicurist Betty suggests that she needs to make some changes. On Betty's advice, Kate cuts off her long hair, breaks up with her long-time boyfriend, and quits her respectable job as an actuary. Instead, she takes a job at a flower shop, and decides to rethink her previously well-ordered life.

I thought this story was fun and lighthearted while at the same time reminding you to take stock of your life and make sure you're living it the way you want to. Kate takes a chance, and winds up with valuable experiences that she'd never have had if she'd just kept living her ordinary life without thinking there might be something more out there for her. Emily Giffin is one of my favorite authors and her books Something Borrowed, Something Blue, and Baby Proof are definitely worth checking out if you have never read her work before.

A Little Bit Broken by Sarah Mlynowski

When her husband of six month confesses to her that he's had an affair, Jessie has no idea how to react. The idea that someone she trusted and thought she knew so well could treat her so badly doesn't sit well with her and she has to make a decision about whether or not she can forgive this indiscretion.

This story is probably my favorite in the entire anthology because it resonates with truth from start to finish. It's difficult to know whether or not you can put back together something that may be irreparably broken and the fact that their marriage is so new makes it especially difficult in this story. Mlynowski is also one of the editors of the book and I'd never heard of her before I picked it up. I'll be sure to check out her work in the future.

Overall, Girls' Night Out is a great way to get a little something from some of your favorite chick lit authors who might not put out work as often as you'd like them to, and also a great way to get an introduction to some new ones. Another story I really liked was by Alisa Valdes-Rodriguez, titled The Corruption of Father Scott, and involves a television producer who is tasked with finding the sexiest Catholic priest in the country to become the next Dr. Phil. I'd never heard of Valdes-Rodriguez before but I enjoyed the story so much I went out and bought one of her books.

Girls' Night Out has got stories that range from humorous and lighthearted to somber and thought-provoking. It would definitely be perfect for your next night in.

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
I never knew it existed
By Kindle Customer
I was actually searching for Sophie Kinsella books when this little gem popped up. Most of the stories are awesome!

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Saturday, October 24, 2015

> PDF Ebook 1789: The Threshold of the Modern Age, by David Andress

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1789: The Threshold of the Modern Age, by David Andress

The world in 1789 stood on the edge of a unique transformation. At the end of an unprecedented century of progress, the fates of three nations—France; the nascent United States; and their common enemy, Britain—lay interlocked. France, a nation bankrupted by its support for the American Revolution, wrestled to seize the prize of citizenship from the ruins of the old order. Disaster loomed for the United States, too, as it struggled, in the face of crippling debt and inter-state rivalries, to forge the constitutional amendments that would become known as the Bill of Rights. Britain, a country humiliated by its defeat in America, recoiled from tales of imperial greed and the plunder of India as a king’s madness threw the British constitution into turmoil. Radical changes were in the air.

A year of revolution was crowned in two documents drafted at almost the same time: the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the American Bill of Rights. These texts gave the world a new political language and promised to foreshadow new revolutions, even in Britain. But as the French Revolution spiraled into chaos and slavery experienced a rebirth in America, it seemed that the budding code of individual rights would forever be matched by equally powerful systems of repression and control.

David Andress reveals how these events unfolded and how the men who led them, such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine, Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, and George Washington, stood at the threshold of the modern world. Andress shows how the struggles of this explosive year—from the inauguration of George Washington to the birth of the cotton trade in the American South; from the British Empire’s war in India to the street battles of the French Revolution—would dominate the Old and New Worlds for the next two centuries.

  • Sales Rank: #1906687 in Books
  • Published on: 2009-03-03
  • Released on: 2009-03-03
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.28" h x 1.48" w x 6.40" l, 1.10 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 456 pages
Features
  • 6 x 9 439 pages

From Publishers Weekly
Guiding readers on a journey across the three interlocked powers of the late 18th century—France, Britain and the new United States—historian Andress (The Terror) regales with stories of such leaders as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Paine and Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, who stoked the flames of revolution, and Edmund Burke, who tried to extinguish the blaze. Looking at the social, economic, political and imperial factors coming together in 1789, Andress weighs the ironies of that revolutionary moment: the Bill of Rights and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man both appeared in that year, but Andress points out the familiar truth that the freedoms proclaimed by these documents were often compromised by the very governments that trumpeted them. A new language had emerged to confront those holding power, but that language too often licensed aggression against slaves, women and others seen as not subject to guarantees of liberty. Although Andress pedantically covers much familiar ground, he reminds us that the struggle between individual rights and oppressive social systems might have begun in 1789, but it is still with us today. Illus., maps. (Mar. 10)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist
Author of The Terror (2006), a popular history about the most radical phase of the French Revolution, Andress is more ambitious in this prequel. Setting events in France alongside contemporaneous politics in Britain and the U.S., Andress tests how Enlightenment ideals of liberties and rights met with the ancien régime of traditional privileges. In all three countries, this contest was made more acute by a common problem they faced: heavy debt incurred by the American War of Independence. Whose ox would be gored to pay it stressed existing political institutions to the limit and agitated both elite and popular grievances against existing states of affairs. Andress evokes the anxious atmosphere of the 1780s, while his presentation of schemes offered to master the financial crises illustrates an Atlantic world on its way toward constitutional democracy. With in-depth narrative and analysis about 1789’s events surrounding the new government of the U.S.; the Estates-General in France; and Parliament in Britain, Andress will intrigue readers piqued by this crucial year in history. --Gilbert Taylor

Review

Praise for 1789

“Andress . . . has done remarkable work in composing a provocative narrative linking the concerns of the late 18th century with the ongoing debates of our own time. Writing with keen insight into the human actors who embodied and directed the social forces of their age, Andress has an unerring eyes for the right, telling details.” —David Luhrssen, Shepherd Express

“Andress’s in-depth yet highly readable account succeeds in illuminating how 1789 was experienced as an international phenomenon . . . [Andress] does an outstanding job.” —Chuck Leddy, Barnes and Noble Review

“Andress…skillfully brings together the revolutionary currents from France, Britain, and America in this exuberant study of the ‘hour of universal ferment’…A thorough, bracing primer for students of global history.”—Kirkus Reviews

“1789 is fresh, revealing, and insightful, particularly in its parallels among the different nations…Although Andress covers a great deal of material, the narrative never feels rushed or shallow. It leaves you wanting more. A first-rate book; highly recommended for all libraries.” —Michael O. Eshleman, Library Journal


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6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
A New Slant On Epochal Events
By Mark Mellon
Reams of prose, both fiction and non-, have been written about the revolutionary events that commenced with 1789. David Andress, a noted historian who has already contributed to the scholarship on that period with his work, The Terror, takes a new slant on this age of upheaval by taking a synoptic view of events as they contemporaneously occurred in the United States, Great Britain, and France.

Despite this fairly novel approach, most of the personalities, situations, and anecdotes which Andress relates will be familiar to students of the period. His approach does pay dividends when he focuses on subjects such as how the American experience with creating a constitution influenced and changed French efforts to do the same for their own country. His synthesis of events works particularly well in his discussion of the growth and evolution of the cotton industry, vividly illustrating how the nascent Industrial Revolution was given impetus.

I recommend this book to anyone with an interest in the French Revolution or in 18th century history in general.

4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
1789: A scholarly examination of France, Great Britain and the United States in a year of revolutionary change in world affairs
By C. M Mills
1789 was a monumental year in history. In this new and soberly written work the British scholar David Andress explores in depth the developments of that year. We learn from these pages that:
France was in the throes of the beginning of the French Revolution with the attack on the Bastille in July, 1789. Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette and their hedonistic court were reactionary and oppposed to any changes in the ancien regime. Attempts by finance wizards such as Necker were unable to staunch the bloody mortal wounds inflicted on the Gallic body politic. France was ravaged by poor crops, a harsh winter, starvation and rural unrest among the peasantry. Taxes were high as France became bankrupt following participation in the American Revolution and loss in the Seven Years War (1756-63). Works of such men as Voltaire, Mireabeau and Thomas Paine called for radical change in the government. The Church was corrupt. The meetings of the Estates General in the spring and summer which had not met since 1614 saw the emergence of the third estate of middle class persons eager to bring down the aristocracy. France would later execute the King and be forced into European warfare against defenders of the divine right of Kings. Napoleon would emerge to lead the land to total defeat at Waterloo and a return to monarchy in 1815.A huge slave revolt in Hati was defeated but caused widespread alarm at natives who dared to rise up to defy their imperial masters.
Great Britain was reeling from defeat inflicted in the American Revolution. King George III went mad for a time leading to parliamentary jousting between Whigs under Charles Jame Fox who favored a regency for George IV and defenders of the king. which was the position of th Tories Edmund Burke became noted for his parliamentary assaults on the French Revolution. The trial of Warren Hastings for his viceroyship of India was controversial. The East India Company which ran India was corrupt and looted the the subcontinent for all it was worth. The Industrial Revolution first occurred on a large scale in England where industrial towns such as Birmingham, Manchester and the largest city in the world at the time London became powerhouses in a burgeoning urban based economy. William Pitt the younger served as Prime Minister employing his brilliance to keeping the worldwide empire moving forward.
The young United States succeeded in replacing the ineffective Articles of Confederation with the Constitution and Bill of Rights defended by such men as the erudite James Madison. George Washington was elected the first president and Jefferson and Franklin represented the new democracy as ambassadors to France. The plague of chattel slavery continued driving a deeper wedge between abolitionist voices and those defending the evil practice. William Wilbeforce worked hard in England to end the slave trade. Progress in the US lagged behind this effort.
David Andress has written a good book on the year including many short biographical sketches of many of the leaders in the three nations. He was especially good in limning portraits of Fox, Pitt, Madison, Jefferson and
Paine, Robspierre and Mirebeau.
The book is heavy reading and requires the reader's careful perusal. It could be well used as a textbook on the era under study.

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
one of the grand unified field theories
By Brenda Teese
I liked this book a lot; it is one that will stay with me. The basic idea of plotting the histories of three great nations, showing their interactions with one another and their effect on one another as they each pursue their own peculiar destinies and identities, and exert their own influence on the world at large -- it is like one of the grand unified field theories pursued by scientists.

During the reading of the book I thought I would likely give 4 stars only. An entertaining read on various bits and pieces of history and historical characters -- Benjamin Franklin's only son was a Loyalist(!) Joseph Priestley not only elucidated the properties of oxygen, he was also a political radical inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution. His lab was burned, he was burned in effigy and ended by becoming a political refugee in the fledgling American republic. The full story behind the mutiny on the 'Bounty' involved an eminent British scientist at the other end of the political spectrum. The very act of formulating grievances and choosing representative deputies to the Estates-General summoned by the king mobilized revolutionary opinion and events in the French provinces.

"An entertaining read but lacking coherence" was my take on the book until I got to the concluding chapter. That I read twice, parts of it three times. The conclusion is where Andress imposes his own ideas on history and politics. The great political divide between modern day conservatives and progressive liberals has its historical precedent in the watershed year 1789, opines Andress, and works its way forward from there: ""We may hotly debate the impact of rights-talk on crime and social dysfunction, and argue ferociously about its applicability in war and other forms of conflict, but such fury of argument merely proves that we are still, fundamentally, in the world of 1789." Not that I fully subscribe to the last phrase -- we've come a long way, baby, when it comes to universal human rights, and to disagree politically no longer carries the death penalty or forced emigration. But the hot debate between conservatives and liberals continues and likely always will, and that's a good thing.

This is an entertaining and illuminating history Andress has written, the nations resembling the ancient Greek gods of Mt. Olympus in their relations with one another: jealous, erratic, dangerous, with constantly shifting allegiances, and much longer-lived than the humans who serve them.

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Wednesday, October 21, 2015

!! Download Ebook The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling, by David Gilmour

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The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling, by David Gilmour

A major new biography of Rudyard Kipling

Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936) was a unique figure in British history, a great writer as well as an imperial icon whose life trajectory matched that of the British Empire from its zenith to its final decades. Kipling was in his early twenties when his first stories about Anglo-Indian life vaulted him into celebrity. He went on to be awarded the Nobel Prize, and to add more phrases to the language than any man since Shakespeare, but his conservative views and advocacy of imperialism damaged his critical reputation -- while at the same time making him all the more popular with a general readership. By the time he died, the man who incarnated an era for millions was almost forgotten, and new generations must come to terms in their own way with his enduring but mysterious powers.

Previous works on Kipling have focused exclusively on his writing and on his domestic life. Here, the distinguished biographer David Gilmour not only explains how and why Kipling wrote, but also explores the themes of his complicated life, his ideas, his relationships, and his views on the Empire and the future. Gilmour is the first writer to explore Kipling's public role, his influence on the way Britons saw themselves and their Empire. His fascinating new book, based on extensive research (especially in the underexplored archives of the United States), is a groundbreaking study of a great and misunderstood writer.

  • Sales Rank: #1112751 in Books
  • Published on: 2002-05-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.23" h x 6.20" w x 9.36" l,
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 368 pages

From Library Journal
The events of September 11 and the war in Afghanistan have again brought attention to Kipling and the themes of imperialism, postcolonialism, and the role of the West in the Middle East. While essentially a Victorian in his values and art, Kipling died in 1936 on the eve of World War II, opposed to fascism and prophesying that the end of the British Empire would bring sectarian strife. During his life he witnessed the pinnacle and decline of the British Empire. While a spokesman for empire, Kipling was always cognizant of the complexity of the "white man's burden." Gilmour, who has written books on the politics of Spain and Lebanon, as well as a biography of Italian novelist Giuseppe di Lampedusa, offers a brief, sympathetic, well-informed, and highly readable account of Kipling. He focuses on Kipling's complex relation to empire, especially as expressed in his stories and poetry. His effort joins Harry Ricketts's recent popular, and more general, Rudyard Kipling. Highly recommended. Thomas L. Cooksey, Armstrong Atlantic State Univ., Savannah, GA
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc.

From Booklist
*Starred Review* For 50 years, Rudyard Kipling projected his political and social views in prose fiction and, more pointedly, in verse. He was a British imperial propagandist but also an artist who took no orders. As Gilmour presents him in a biography focused on his political life, but that cites and evaluates numerous poems and stories, noting their aesthetic qualities as well as their messages, Kipling was the greatest, because he was the most humane, British imperialist and also the empire's great, pessimistic prophet. His early working years in India convinced him that British rule there had to be paternal: guiding but not dominating, helping but not exploiting native peoples. The British in South Africa had similar duties, he thought, and needed also to restrain the Boers, whom he warned would establish a racist regime: apartheid. He despised liberals and socialists because he believed they would dismantle the empire, leaving India to be torn asunder by contending Hindus and Muslims--another accurate forecast. He undermined his own effectiveness with his ideological purity and permanent grudges. Still, as Gilmour makes abundantly clear, he was a major player in the affairs of the mightiest power on Earth, which lost its potency in tandem with his loss of practical influence. A remarkable man, a remarkable book. Ray Olson
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Review
"The best Kipling biography yet written... Gilmour's account of this driven man shines with intelligence" Scotsman "An enthralling biography of a mind...essential reading for anyone who cares about how a writer finds, and passionately lives, his subject" Daily Telegraph "A fine, fair and generous work... Gilmour's celebrated life of Curzon demonstrated his mastery of imperial nuance and esoteric character, and he brings to this book just the right combination of empathy, distaste and fastidious detachment" New Statesman "A splendid and much needed reappraisal of Kipling...outstanding for its precise, elegant writing" Herald "A superb short biography...a beautifully written, touching and occasionally very funny book" -- Andrew Roberts Daily Mail

Most helpful customer reviews

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent Biography; Shows How Far England Has Fallen
By Adam Wayne
Rudyard Kipling, when remembered today, is usually snidely dismissed as a jingoistic Victorian, or as the writer of certain children’s books. “The Long Recessional” provides the modern reader with a concise biography of the multi-faceted Kipling, showing him as, if not a man for all seasons, surely a man for his time.

David Gilmour is also the author of an excellent biography of George Nathaniel Curzon, sometime Viceroy of India, and a contemporary of Kipling’s. Kipling was born in India and in the public mind is associated very much with India, but although he spent his formative years there, he did not visit India for most of the rest of his life. He remained very interested in what happened in India, but he focused in his adult life more broadly on the British Empire (he also spent time in America, memorably characterizing New York as “the shiftless outcome of squalid barbarism and reckless extravagance”). He also focused on the British working and middle classes, for whom he had great sympathy and empathy, and among whom he also spent much of his youth. And, over the years, his focus shifted from the Empire in its glory to the Empire in its decline, of which he was the prophet, and to the deep and abiding sorrow of the War (in which his son was killed). So Kipling was, again contrary to popular myth, a broad-minded man with the common touch—it was the elites who disliked him, not the normal Englishman. And, for that matter, it’s the elites who dislike him now.

As to India, and the Empire generally, Kipling was perhaps the exemplar of the “service model” of the Empire. Nowadays, the common view is that the Empire was purely about economic benefit (as in Sven Beckert’s puerile “Empire Of Cotton”), or about imperialism more generally, both Marxist-derived analyses. The reality is much different—a very significant fraction of Englishmen viewed England’s role as service, to the “lesser peoples,” and a very significant fraction thought the Empire was a bad idea (for a variety of reasons). Gilmour summarizes Kipling’s view as “The British were now in India for a moral purpose, for the good of the native inhabitants, whom it was their duty to lead through example to a safer and more prosperous future.” This, not racism, is the message of “The White Man’s Burden,” and Englishmen died in their thousands to bring it to the Indians. Kipling’s talents were used in service of this ideal, and whatever one may say about the ideal, it is an undeniable truth that the British succeeded. Who can doubt that India is both safer and more prosperous now as a result of colonialism than it would have been had the British never ruled? Only the ignorant and the politically blinkered.

Gilmour draws sharp portraits of the idiosyncrasies of the members of the English ruling class, such as the Admiral of the Channel Fleet until 1909, Lord Charles Beresford. His daily greeting was “Good morning, one day nearer the German war.” The writing is fluid and the biography is not over-long, considering the complexity of the subject. One oddity is that the beginning of the book is full of descriptions of Kipling’s relationship with his parents and his sister, which family unit they called the “Family Square.” His parents are mentioned intermittently throughout the book, and his sister is noted as having suffered a mental decline. But there is no mention at all of the deaths of Kipling’s parents—the book does not say when they died, or what effect that had on Kipling. This seems like a significant omission, for their death must have affected Kipling. Doubtless not as much as the deaths of two of his three children, but his parents were a formative influence, and their deaths must have mattered.

While Gilmour’s focus is largely on Kipling’s political views, and how those developed over time, naturally his voluminous writings provide the frame for any discussion of Kipling. These include famous writings: “Kim, “Recessional,” “If.” But they also include lesser known gems, some of which are very powerful, like “Gethsemane”:

The Garden called Gethsemane
In Picardy it was,
And there the people came to see
The English soldiers pass.
We used to pass—we used to pass
Or halt, as it might be,
And ship our masks in case of gas
Beyond Gethsemane.

The Garden called Gethsemane,
It held a pretty lass,
But all the time she talked to me
I prayed my cup might pass.
The officer sat on the chair,
The men lay on the grass,
And all the time we halted there
I prayed my cup might pass.

It didn’t pass—it didn’t pass—
It didn’t pass from me.
I drank it when we met the gas
Beyond Gethsemane!

And there are powerful political poems, still powerful despite the conflicts that inspired them having faded into gray obscurity. The best example of this is “Gehazi,” tied to a political corruption scandal. The poem revolves around an analogy to Naaman, the leper cured by the prophet Elisha, whose servant Gehazi then tried to extort money from Naaman, and was himself turned into a leper. You have to read the whole poem to appreciate it:

“Whence comest thou, Gehazi,
So reverend to behold,
In scarlet and in ermines
And chain of England’s gold?”
“From following after Naaman
To tell him all is well,
Whereby my zeal hath made me
A Judge in Israel.”

Well done, well done, Gehazi!
Stretch forth thy ready hand,
Thou barely ’scaped from judgment,
Take oath to judge the land
Unswayed by gift of money
Or privy bribe, more base,
Of knowledge which is profit
In any market-place.

Search out and probe, Gehazi,
As thou of all canst try,
The truthful, well-weighed answer
That tells the blacker lie—
The loud, uneasy virtue
The anger feigned at will,
To overbear a witness
And make the Court keep still.

Take order now, Gehazi,
That no man talk aside
In secret with his judges
The while his case is tried.
Lest he should show them—reason
To keep a matter hid,
And subtly lead the questions
Away from what he did.

Thou mirror of uprightness,
What ails thee at thy vows?
What means the risen whiteness
Of the skin between thy brows?
The boils that shine and burrow,
The sores that slough and bleed—
The leprosy of Naaman
On thee and all thy seed?
Stand up, stand up, Gehazi,
Draw close thy robe and go,
Gehazi, Judge in Israel,
A leper white as snow!

Unfortunately, as can be seen from these two examples, many of Kipling’s poems depend for understanding on deep familiarity with both the Old and New Testaments, so even now they are probably incomprehensible to many, and in a few decades in the post-Christian West, only experts will be able to grasp the metaphors. This is hardly Kipling’s fault, though; it is ours.

Kipling seems to have been a difficult man. While he always empathized with the common man (unlike the “Decadents,” such as Oscar Wilde, who viewed the common man with contempt), he grew away from immersing himself in popular culture over time. And in his upper class milieu, he viewed most relationships through a political prism, and he was very good at hating others and accumulating enemies. This seems like it would have been exhausting, but it worked for him.

Kipling was also a pessimist throughout his life. As Gilmour says, “Pessimists and reactionaries make the best prophets because they are without illusions, because they can see behind as well as beyond contemporary viewpoints. . . . . Prophets, as the Old Testament reveals, say unpalatable things and say them in provocative and unpleasant language. So did Kipling. . . . . But there was an excuse for his bitterness, as there was with Jeremiah—he KNEW what was going to happen.” Kipling predicted various bad things—the disappearance of Empire; that the Boers would impose apartheid if the English let them run South Africa; that the Kaiser would bring about a war; that if England left India there would be carnage between Hindu and Muslim; and much more. But he was always proven right, even after his death, as with the military resurgence of Germany. He would have agreed with Winston Churchill, whom he loathed as a “political whore,” that “the Hun is always either at your throat or your feet” (although now, courtesy of Angela Merkel, the Hun has prostrated itself voluntarily to a new enemy, whom it has welcomed in their migrant millions---something of which Kipling would doubtless have clearly seen the results). We could use Kipling’s pessimism, to counteract the combination of Pollyanna and ostrich that characterizes the political whores of today, such as Merkel.

And, most importantly, as Gilmour again says, “The spirit of Dunkirk and the Battle of Britain owed much to Kipling.” Of course, that spirit is long gone, in an enervated England ruled by faithless globalist elites. Most likely it can never be restored, despite the good sense of the slight majority of Britain’s inhabitants recently voting to exit the EU and restore some small measure of British sovereignty. But that’s a long cry from the spirit of World War II, which was itself a long cry from the spirit of 1890. The breath of Empire, once gone, does not return, but perhaps an appreciation of the virtues of Kipling, and some hard choices and hard deeds, could restore England to once again be an example for the world.

15 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
Overlooked Today, But a Towering Figure in His Time
By Douglas S. Wood
Rudyard Kipling, according to David Gilmour's authoritative 'The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling' was a first-class political hater and author of children's books, as well as the virtual embodiment of the British Empire. Kipling was considered the Imperial Laureate, although he would have refused the post had it existed as he did all government posts - not in his line at all.

Kipling lived much of the first half of his life in the Empire - he spent his early years in India, except for a horrid stretch when he was boarded back in England by his parents who stayed in British India, and later lived off-and-on in South Africa. Kipling loved the Empire and its civilizing mission (up to a point - he did not favor Christian religious proselytizing), but oddly was not that fond of England or the English.

Gilmour paints a portrait of Kipling as a thorough-going reactionary, a pessimist, a virulent opponent of women's suffrage, Irish Home Rule, nearly all politicians (he especially hated Liberals, but also accused Winston Churchill of `political whoring'), trade unions, and imperial wavering of any kind.

'The Long Recessional' (the title refers both to his poem written for Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee in 1897 and the decline of the Empire) is not so much a history of Kipling's literary works as it is his leading role in promoting the Empire through his literature. Readers seeking detailed literary analyses had best look elsewhere, but should read this book first to understand what it was that Kipling was so all-fired angry about most of the time. Kipling was something of a negative "prophet"; he saw the coming decline of the Empire and viewed as willful surrender, he saw the coming Great War and watched his countrymen fail to prepare or take a firm stand against 'the Hun', and he saw the coming Second World War and the repeated lack of preparation (he died before that war actually occurred).

Kipling suffered great personal unhappiness from the death of his first daughter at age 6, to a seemingly unhappy marriage with Kipling as the henpecked husband and the death of his son in one of those insane headlong infantry assaults on the German trenches at the Battle of Loos. Kipling's dour personality in most of his last quarter-century of life may to some extent be attributed to a misdiagnosed (and thus mistreated) duodenal ulcer that caused him great pain - once it was correctly diagnosed in 1933, Kipling's pain departed and his personality revived.

Kipling's writings were enormously influential in his time, probably to an extent difficult for the modern reader to grasp given over as we are to the visual and the aural. After the Boer War he turned his pen more and more toward political ends and a bitter-tipped pen it was. Today Kipling is more remembered for his children's classics such asThe Jungle Books (Signet Classics). His Plain Tales from the Hills explores India's impact on the British who lived there and in particular the soldiers who sometimes fought and died there.

Salmon Rushdie has summarized it best when he stated, "There will always be plenty in Kipling that I will find difficult to forgive; but there is also enough truth in these stories to make them impossible to ignore."

Gilmour brings Kipling back to life for some 300 pages; 'The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling' is a rewarding reading experience about a man mostly overlooked today, but of towering importance in his time.

11 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
Kipling Re-considered
By R. M. Peterson
At a time when the "politically correct" holds sway in much of the media for intellectuals and all too much of academia, Rudyard Kipling is persona non grata -- the author of charming Victorian children's tales, but irredeemably tainted as an advocate and apologist for the British Empire and its subjugation of so many blacks and browns in the world. This biography of Kipling shows that the popular image de jour of Kipling is oversimplified and, at bottom, unfair and wrong.

David Gilmour deliberately focuses on the "imperial" Kipling, or the political (as opposed to the literary) aspect of his life. Of course, it is impossible to cleave Kipling into two selves, one political and the other literary. No one can be so compartmentalized, but Kipling resists it more than most because he was so unabashedly a political writer. And Gilmour chooses to emphasize that fact by exploring Kipling's politics and his view of the British Empire, as well as his role in celebrating it and then mourning its imminent demise (Kipling died before World War II and the death throes of empire). As Gilmour puts it in his preface: "This is the first volume to chronicle Kipling's political life, his early role as apostle of the Empire, the embodiment of imperial aspiration, and his later one of the prophet of national decline."

Gilmour achives his objective quite well. His Kipling -- as I believe is true of the actual Kipling -- was NOT a jingoistic rascist (although, to be sure, certain lines of his taken as they say out of context could be stretched and cited for the opposite conclusion). Yes, Kipling was a Victorian Englishman who grew up amidst, and believed in, the glory of the British Empire. But, as Gilmour persuasively writes, the empire Kipling touted and valued was a civilizing, even humanitarian, force -- an empire of "peace and justice, quinine and canals, railways and vaccinations". His model of empire had no place for the missionary zeal to transform all the Empire's subjects into brown or black (depending on their class) fish-and-chippers or public-school-educated Church-of-Englanders. Moreover, to Kipling, it was the altruistic responsibility of the wealthy, civilized haves of the world (principally Great Britain and the United States) to relieve suffering and improve the lot in life of the myriad have nots.

Gilmour's biography shows, without explicit lecturing, that Kipling was not a stock "stiff-upper-lip" Victorian cardboard cut-out; he was human, with weaknesses he sought both to overcome and to mask, and with a strength of character that ultimately more than redeems him.

Gilmour does not ignore, but he does not dwell on, the literary side of Kipling. For that, the reader must go elsewhere. But for a sensitive yet objective picture of "Kipling as a figurehead of his country and his age", I don't know where else one should or would care to look.

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Tuesday, October 20, 2015

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Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy, by Francis Fukuyama

The second volume of the bestselling landmark work on the history of the modern state

Writing in The Wall Street Journal, David Gress called Francis Fukuyama's Origins of Political Order "magisterial in its learning and admirably immodest in its ambition." In The New York Times Book Review, Michael Lind described the book as "a major achievement by one of the leading public intellectuals of our time." And in The Washington Post, Gerard DeGrott exclaimed "this is a book that will be remembered. Bring on volume two."
Volume two is finally here, completing the most important work of political thought in at least a generation. Taking up the essential question of how societies develop strong, impersonal, and accountable political institutions, Fukuyama follows the story from the French Revolution to the so-called Arab Spring and the deep dysfunctions of contemporary American politics. He examines the effects of corruption on governance, and why some societies have been successful at rooting it out. He explores the different legacies of colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and offers a clear-eyed account of why some regions have thrived and developed more quickly than others. And he boldly reckons with the future of democracy in the face of a rising global middle class and entrenched political paralysis in the West.
A sweeping, masterful account of the struggle to create a well-functioning modern state, Political Order and Political Decay is destined to be a classic.

  • Sales Rank: #82908 in Books
  • Brand: Fukuyama, Francis
  • Published on: 2014-09-30
  • Released on: 2014-09-30
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.29" h x 2.04" w x 6.29" l, 1.00 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 672 pages

Review

“Straightforward and sensible . . . Fukuyama is nothing if not ambitious.” ―Sheri Berman, The New York Times Book Review

“It is not often that a 600-page work of political science ends with a cliffhanger. But the first volume of Francis Fukuyama's epic two-part account of what makes political societies work, published three years ago, left the big question unanswered . . . Political Order and Political Decay is his answer . . . Fukuyama's wealth of insights [are] worthy of the greatest writers about democracy.” ―David Runciman, Financial Times

“Political Order and Political Decay is a courageous book by an author at the peak of his analytical and literary powers. This project started as an attempt to rewrite and update Samuel Huntington's classic Political Order in Changing Societies, published in 1968. Yet Fukuyama has what Huntington sorely lacked, namely the ability to communicate complex ideas through engaging prose. He's both a perceptive political analyst and a wonderful storyteller. Clearly, something has indeed gone haywire in our world: Serious political science is not supposed to be so enjoyable.” ―Gerard de Groot, The Washington Post

“[A] monumental study [that] rest[s] on an astonishing body of learning.” ―The Economist

“Fukuyama has been both a policy maker and adviser . . . His latest opus [seeks] to clarify the fundamental problems of political order.” ―David Polansky, Wall Street Journal

“Fukuyama's brilliant work on political orders [is] cogent, clear, and often intellectually thrilling account of the development of the state . . . There is simply no way to do full justice in a review.” ―Zach Dorfman, The Los Angeles Review of Books

“This and the earlier volume, viewed as a single work, will remain vital contributions to the literature on democracy and government for some time to come.” ―Earl Pike, Plain Dealer

“Fukuyama has succeeded in proving, with a formidable display of erudition, that anyone who wants to reform American democracy had better start by reading his latest book.” ―Michael Ignatieff, The Atlantic

“Learned and lucid, Political Order and Political Decay is jam-packed with insights about political development.” ―Glenn C. Altschuler, San Francisco Chronicle

“This bold political scientist limns the transformation of societies politically galvanized by eighteenth-century revolutions and financially enriched by nineteenth-century industry . . . Strikingly ambitious and provocative.” ―Booklist (starred review)

“[Fukuyama's] superb synthesis of political science and history will be useful to experts as well as students and laypeople.” ―Publishers Weekly (starred review)

“Th[is] deeply engaged political scientist offers a compelling historical overview . . . Systematic, thorough and even hopeful fodder for reform-minded political observers.” ―Kirkus Reviews (starred review)

About the Author

Francis Fukuyama is the Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at Stanford University's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. He has previously taught at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and at the George Mason University School of Public Policy. Fukuyama was a researcher at the RAND Corporation and served as the deputy director for the State Department's policy planning staff. He is the author of The Origins of Political Order, The End of History and the Last Man, Trust, and America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy. He lives with his wife in California.

Most helpful customer reviews

146 of 149 people found the following review helpful.
Engrossing and Frustrating Excellence
By Kindle Customer
A mess - the world, not the book which is excellent. In The End of History and the Last Man Dr. Fukuyama asked the question "is there a direction to political evolution?" In Trust: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order he explored the impact of high trust vs low trust societies on the evolution and nature of political governance. In his tour de force The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution we were given an in depth history of political development across many nations and regions. In it Dr. Fukuyama postulates that effective governance requires three sets of political institutions in some kind of balance: the state, the rule of law, and political accountability. In Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy he left me with the feeling that such an outcome (sustained effective governance) was "to dream the impossible dream."

Parts I and II discuss the "State" and "Foreign Influence." In an excellent historical overview he demonstrates that what would appear to be similar circumstances lead to disparate outcomes. Much less than in previous works Dr. Fukuyama treats us to current unanswered questions; how none of the current theoretical constructs adequately explain what has transpired and as such can not give clear guidance on how to proceed.

"The State made War and War made the State." In Part III the discussion turns to Democracy. Although revered on an intellectual basis we find that historically democracy is not the panacea one hopes. Periods of semi-benevolent autocracy have many times been fundamental to the development of the modern state. The extension of suffrage has in many cases resulted in clientism - the political elites purchasing votes from the newly empowered reinforcing rather than reducing the elites' political control.

In Part IV we get to political decay. Fundamental to human nature is the acquisition of power and the desire once obtained to hold on to it. In a constantly changing world this usually leads to a disparity between the needs and desires of the "in group" and the needs and desires of the "out groups." As the balance between state, law, and accountability becomes more and more out of sync and the "out groups" gain power political upheaval, frequently in the form of armed conflict, is the result. But in Part IV we are once again reminded that there are many paths to and outcomes from political upheaval.

I found this book to be both enlightening and frustrating. As an American who in Dr. Fukuyama's words "has a reverence to the Declaration of Independence and the U. S. Constitution" his thoughtful analysis of how our political system has contributed to the current state of American governance: political scandal, incompetent bureaucracy, overt and inappropriate power by special interest groups, approval of Congress in the single digits, was hard to accept - but accept it I did. Frustrating is that there does not appear to be a clear path to resolution.

As the book gets closer to modern times I am reminded of Dr. Fukuyama's question in "The End of History." He said (I paraphrase) are we evolving over time to a better form of political governance? Inherent in evolution are two facts: it takes a long time and many evolutionary paths result in dead ends. This suggests that the "mess" the world is in today may be a perturbation in the long term trend of political evolution.

On a personal note I found this a enjoyable book. As can be inferred from the time between its publication and my review I spent a couple of long nights engrossed in reading rather than sleeping. The book is more descriptive than prescriptive. If you are looking to justify your political outlook you will not find it here. Likewise if you are looking for the elegant solution to the world's problems it is not here either. But if you want to be educated into just how complex an undertaking of providing a balance between state, law and accountability this is your book.

36 of 39 people found the following review helpful.
Trust, Political Order, and the End of History
By Paul Krause
Francis Fukuyama is a widely celebrated political economist, and public intellectual. Having burst onto the scene with his classic work at the End of the Cold War, The End of History and the Last Man (1992), Fukuyama has since distanced and even repudiated the neoconservative label that was pinned on him in the lead-up to the Iraq War. In Political Order and Political Decay, Fukuyama brings the history of politics and governance into the modern era.

With an erudite overview of the evolution of the political state, especially of "liberal democracy," upon which the tenets of accountable government (trust), equality of the citizenry, and the rule of law are paramount in the development of democracy. Democracy is not necessarily an engine for these three themes, rather, these three tenets come together to build a robust democracy. The result is the emergence of the political state.

This first tenet, accountable government, or trust, was an entire book in of itself, Trust: The Social Virtues and The Creation of Prosperity (1995). The notion of accountability is not necessarily, again, tied to democracy in-of-itself, but is an important feature that has historically spurred greater democratic reform. Therefore, trust in government, and ultimately trust within a society and amongst peoples of that society, is an important feature of the liberal democratic state. Fukuyama deals with this tenet in the first part of his book. He sheds important insight how trust in government has allowed bureaucracy to flourish and politicians and statesmen to build the modern state. At the same time, he looks at various countries and analyzes this aspect of accountability. For instance, one of the great positives of Denmark is that it has, not only a very accountable government, but a very open and trusting society that spurs this positive view of the Danish government. However, the opposite is true in Italy, which has long wrestled with low trust, deceit, and corruption and is a major issue for the Italians to confront, and, in part, helps explains why Italy, along with Greece (the "historic birthplace of democracy") have become a drain on the European Union and the Eurozone. Fukuyama also looks at the United States' effort to achieve accountability, through the origins of the Federalist Papers, to the emergence of political parties, but the true birth of accountability happens during the Progressive Era when reforms attempted to curb the influence of big business and political machines in the political process -- the end to the spoils system (Ch. 10). This drive for accountability led to new political reforms and a greater democratization of American politics, paving the way for the trust in New Dealers come 1933 and beyond. The high degree of trust and accountability gives legitimacy to the state to build itself up, order and structure things both to the benefit of its citizens.

These developments in the political state also demands an active and equal citizenry, which often spurs such political and economic reforms and demands trust in the government-citizenry dichotomy which serves as the second tenet to democracy. Equality is therefore established by the rule of law, to which the government also says it will be accountable to, the third tenet, completing the triune legs upon which modern liberal democracy is built. You get the picture. Thus, accountability/trust is the most important aspect of modern political society, because everything else can fall in place, so to speak. However, this has dangers as Fukuyama illustrates in the latter part of his book.

Part III ultimately deals with the paradox that war is healthy to the state (if you're not a cynic that is). Emerging as a new force, the state undertakes war since it has the power and ability to do so in many cases, and also brings forth legitimacy for its institutions and a unity among the populace that supports national institutions in times of war. However, these political reforms crucial to opening the door for greater democracy also opened the door for a return of corruption through interest groups that the state will be accountable to, rather than being accountable to its citizenry.

Decay, in Part IV, is the most troubling of the new trends in political development. As governments have lost their accountability, the most important theme for a robust democracy. The return of clientelism (seeking out clients or interest groups), corruption, and government offices and personnel being more accountable to outside parties and groups has eroded trust between the citizenry and the state. Although these democratic states remain promotive of, to a certain degree, the rule of law and equality of the citizenry, even though reforms continue this struggle for greater degrees of equality among the citizenry itself (let's not forget it took a long time for universal suffrage to emerge in the poster-child liberal democracies).

Here, Fukuyama is most devastating but also quietly hopeful come the end of his work. While trust has certainly eroded in the great western liberal democracies, most notably the United States, there is still a global appeal for liberal democratic society and states. People, primarily from low trust nations where equality and the rule of law is lacking, tend to flock to the liberal states where there is found, at least on paper, accountability, equality of the citizenry, and the rule of law. This is, hopefully, going to give the fuel for democracies going forward, yet, Fukuyama doesn't offer a definitive path on how to get out of political decay, by which he mostly means the erosion of accountability/trust in the relationship between the state and its citizenry. Yet, his ending is very close to his misunderstood book "The End of History." Although democracies are having internal problems, by and large, liberal democracy remains the unchallenged political model at a global level. One-party autocratic states and the rise of Islamism is largely isolated and contained to a few parts of the world, and unlike with Fascism or Communism, which did seriously challenge liberal democracy in the twentieth century, no new model has come to challenge the liberal democratic model upon which accountability, equality of the citizenry, and the rule of law still, at least theoretically, reign supreme. The very serious question remains however, will the crucial tenet of accountability ever be regained?

21 of 27 people found the following review helpful.
the sequel offers great examples and good insights
By NJ
As with the part 1, the sequel offers great examples and good insights. However, the book is far more tedious, turgid and repetitive.

For anyone who has not read the first part or forgotten the basic theme, the main objectives behind the arguments could appear obfuscated until first summarized past the halfway. Even who are aware of the main thread of political evolution, the book would appear to be going off the main topic of what creates successful societies far too often. This is tolerable when the author is dealing with good examples but more difficult when one is made to plough through exotic theories or utterly simplistic points (particularly towards the end when the author decides to pinpoint all the analysis of societies over a few millenia over two books to turn preachy on the rot in today's US policymaking).

The book's biggest fault is possibly in the main theory itself which completely ignores the role played by unique individuals for their brilliance and errors. These are individuals that just come into being and not really children of their environment. To the author, such arguments might be too much chance dependent, but not only individuals' roles and influences are undeniable (below) in political evolution, the same is true in biological evolution.

Back to the book: between copious text and often irrelevant details, the author makes some great points in the first half of the book while discussing what creates political order in some societies and disorders in some others. A failed or non-functioning political system is mostly defined in terms of the leaders working for private benefits. The author labours somewhat excessively on the issue of clientalism (or corruption in common parlance). This is the word for pervasive non-merit or favour-driven political system which the author claims is natural to human societies and was a norm in almost all parts of the world until recently.

The broad conclusions with regards to order and chaos are obvious and also repetitive. Yet, interspersed throughout are some great insights, case studies and novel sub-points. For example, the discussion of Italy and Greece made a fascinating point on the sequencing: ie, systems where democracy developed before modernity and its implications on a society's long-term progress. Or the differing evolutions of systems where industrialization was accompanied with modernization and those where it was not.

The contrasting examples of US railway regulatory body versus the efficiently run USDA showed how patchy and personality-driven US emergence to a merit-based system has been. It is not often in modern day books one is told the high positives of relatively quick-to-develop and better German or Chinese bureaucracies/polities versus the favour-based systems of the US. Effectively, the author makes some convincing points on the stresses between democracy and meritocracy - how the presence of one naturally tilts the balance against the other and combining the two requires conscious efforts and a lot of luck. This argument is again illustrated well with examples like Nigeria, Indonesia and Argentina.

The sections on Latin America and Africa make plenty of fascinating points but as the author mentions multiple times at various points, there is no simple way to answer what helped some to prosper and others not. Many arguments appear post-facto justifications with the counter-factuals mostly theoretical. A more pertinent area of study is why certain economies or systems do not make the required mid-course corrections while lagging behind over a considerable period of time. Take Argentina that had seen the good times and had found the "success" formula: why did it not emulate what worked before or elsewhere while the economy was losing for almost a century. Why do failed systems just not learn in real time - particularly those not afflicted with the incapacity to learn because of the wrong institutional/personality-based rigidities?

While most arguments are over-hatched, one point that the author could have spent more time on was "historical amnesia" or the assertion that there are huge (and conveniently forgotten) abuses and mistakes at the root of any great nation building.

The main point the author (hopefully) deliberately skips is the impact of personalities. Like in science, religion, discovery and even wars, mammoth changes are often a result of some Columbus, Newton, or Mohammad. Such pioneers exist in the political space too - at some impressionable stage for any economic or political system, a Lenin or a Washington, a Nehru or a Lee Kuan Yew, a family of Kims or Deng Xiaoping could end up defining how a system evolves. Such personalities are as much a result of their system as any Einstein or Hitler - ie, very little of the society characteristics can explain the extreme impact of these individuals. This is true in every facet of the world of ideas including political ideas.

The most disappointing part is the final section on the "decay". The broad point is fine: every successful system eventually loses its rigour as it establishes resistance to change and as a result lose its vitality. Somewhat unusually, the author makes his sweeping conclusions as an inevitability using big words than any great historic examples like Huttington. As a result, there are hardly any subtle sub-points like in the main section. Rather, what one gets are the lamentations of all things going wrong in Washington.

All that said, the book is a must read sequel of Fukayama's pioneering work.

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