Tuesday, March 8, 2016

~~ Ebook Horace and Me: Life Lessons from an Ancient Poet, by Harry Eyres

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Horace and Me: Life Lessons from an Ancient Poet, by Harry Eyres

A wise and witty revival of the Roman poet who taught us how to carpe diem

What is the value of the durable at a time when the new is paramount? How do we fill the void created by the excesses of a superficial society? What resources can we muster when confronted by the inevitability of death? For the poet and critic Harry Eyres, we can begin to answer these questions by turning to an unexpected source: the Roman poet Horace, discredited at the beginning of the twentieth century as the "smug representative of imperialism," now best remembered―if remembered―for the pithy directive "Carpe diem."
In Horace and Me: Life Lessons from an Ancient Poet, Eyres reexamines Horace's life, legacy, and verse. With a light, lyrical touch (deployed in new, fresh versions of some of Horace's most famous odes) and a keen critical eye, Eyres reveals a lively, relevant Horace, whose society―Rome at the dawn of the empire―is much more similar to our own than we might want to believe.
Eyres's study is not only intriguing―he retranslates Horace's most famous phrase as "taste the day"―but enlivening. Through Horace, Eyres meditates on how to live well, mounts a convincing case for the importance of poetry, and relates a moving tale of personal discovery. By the end of this remarkable journey, the reader too will believe in the power of Horace's "lovely words that go on shining with their modest glow, like a warm and inextinguishable candle in the darkness."

  • Sales Rank: #1111379 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Farrar, Straus and Giroux
  • Published on: 2013-06-04
  • Released on: 2013-06-04
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 8.50" h x .96" w x 6.06" l, .82 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 256 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review

“Mr. Eyres writes with insight about why Horace first left him cold, then with intense feeling about all he has gained from the odes in recent years . . . [A] love of small experiences, closely observed, is what most binds Mr. Eyres to Horace. The ode he treasures most highly, and quotes as the book's epigram, celebrates a cooling spring called Bandusia that filled a small pool on Horace's farm. Such gem-like appreciations of the intimate, the local and the natural show Mr. Eyres the path toward his goal of ‘being a human being, in the fullest sense'--the path that also led him to become a poet . . . Readers of Horace and Me will . . . no doubt enjoy the cool drinks that Mr. Eyres scoops up from that rustic Bandusian spring.” ―James Romm, The Wall Street Journal

“In this beguiling book [Eyres] describes how . . . he came back to Horace, and to himself . . . With the lightest of touches Mr. Eyres sketches his own life and examines that of Horace . . . As Mr. Eyres began to ponder questions of existence, the excesses of a superficial society, the problem of how to live well and the inevitability of death, he came to realise that even after 2,000 years, Horace, his old nemesis, can provide some answers . . . Mr. Eyres begins and ends his book in the departure lounge of an airport. His companion is his small, battered edition of the "Odes." In one of them Horace made the outrageous claim that they were time-prof. This delightful book demonstrates that he was right. Hopefully, its seductive interweaving of a modern life and an ancient one will encourage a wider readership of this most appealing of Latin writers.” ―The Economist

“Harry Eyres's brilliant new book Horace and Me . . . is part biography of Horace, part autobiography of Eyres, part literary criticism, part travel (and wine) guide, part philosophical musing--but all is poetry. The writing is poetic and musical in every phrase and its inner message is poetry's power and relevance in a world squashed with materialism and its obsession with quantifiable measurements . . . An additional pleasure in this book is Eyres's own translations of the poems, included as signposts along the way. They are luminous and pungent, even startling at times in their modernity. They wake up these ancient writings as if some sleeping beauty and deserve a whole separate volume to themselves.” ―Stephen Hough, The Telegraph

“[An] amiable memoir-cum-treatise . . . Eyres displays a beautiful, serene understanding of the nuances of Horace and of life . . . This is an empathetic treatment of both a poet and a life. And it makes the reader want to pluck down a copy of Horace from the shelves, and savour its delights.” ―Philip Womack, The Telegraph

“[A] sweetly meandering reexamination of Horace's virtues . . . Horace wrote about small things, about home, about wine, about friendship, and about love . . . He focused on crafting a lyric that could reflect the human scale of life, the human voice--a kind of voice and scale that might be useful to us in the busy world today . . . For Eyres, Horace's lyric not only reflects our sense of being human but in some ways creates a space in which we learn how to be human at all . . . I left this book ready to make a new--if indeed, rather rare and old--literary friend.” ―Tess Taylor, The Barnes & Noble Review

“[Eyres and Horace] are almost perfect companions. Both are funny and like complaining. Both feel deeply but also exhibit a degree of what people now call commitment-phobia. Both have a faintly neurotic taste for ease, yet you could not call them quietists: they flare up angrily at stupidity, cruelty and ostentation. Both love nature and art, and the relation between the two. Above all, perhaps, both believe in poetry as ‘a few true words'--fewer, and truer, than other words . . . [This book is] about one poet, understood by another. With modern, idiomatic, yet timeless clarity, Eyres translates many of Horace's greatest poems into new English ones.” ―Charles Moore, The Telegraph

“Harry Eyres, with the help of the poetry of Horace, has written a book about some of the essential questions. He has squeezed from the life of the poet and from poems two thousand years old lessons that are fresh and relevant today. Horace and Me is a book about the love of poetry and its practical value in these troubling times. A delightful thought-provoking book into which a lifetime of reading and musing has casually strolled.” ―Ben Okri, Booker Prize–winning author of The Famished Road

“Why has no one done this before?--explored themselves through their reading of a great voice from the past? What Horace wrote (about love, about wine, about happiness) can have revelatory relevance. Harry Eyres puts his lyrics in a contemporary and personal context, where he sounds fresher and more to the point than ever.” ―Hugh Johnson, author of A Life Uncorked

“Horace combines awareness of the fragility and randomness that characterize our destinies with an inspiration to enjoy the pleasures of life--without greed, but with temperance and a spirit of conviviality. This, together with a sensitivity to nature, is in line with the philosophy of Slow Food. Harry Eyres has been able to bring the thoughts and spirit of this ancient poet to our everyday lives.” ―Carlo Petrini, Slow Food founder and president.

“Being both poet and wine writer, Eyres has a taste for Horace's wine as well as an ear for the vigorous Latin with which it is evoked. In Horace and Me, he blends these with memoir to create a paean to Horace and a polemic for the wise life, and for classical literature in general. He makes Horace very appealing: a paunchy, sociable man, who esteemed friendship more highly than lust, and honest lust more highly than love . . . Eyres's take on Horace is enlightening, and best of all he provides his own witty, exuberantly updated translations of the verses. Roman carriages become SUVs, a perfumed youth becomes a boy drenched in Pour Homme, and a long-forgotten Roman uprising is transplanted to Basra. This keeps Horace surprising and fresh. It sends the reader to the original--not for a more conventional translation but for a long sip of the Latin, which Eyres makes clear we cannot do without.” ―Sarah Bakewell, Financial Times

“[A] sweetly meandering reexamination of Horace's virtues . . . I left this book ready to make a new--if indeed, rather rare and old--literary friend.” ―Tess Taylor, Barnes and Noble Review

“Slow down for this read . . . Don't worry if you haven't had Latin . . . In the telling of his own life, Eyres meanders. No hurry. He's charming and lyrical. Yes, of course he's a poet himself. All the translations of the Horace odes in this book are his . . . Get the book. Pour some wine. Eyres recommends a Brunello.” ―Isabel Nathaniel, The Dallas Morning News

“[Eyres] rightly disparages the abstruse theorising of academics who use literary works to prosecute their grudges about colonialism or the politics of gender. For him, a great book is a boon companion, a friend to man like Keats's Grecian urn; he believes that literature is a criticism of life and potentially a guide to living well, which is why in times of personal stress he has been morally sustained by Horace as well as by his psychotherapists.” ―Peter Conrad, The Observer

About the Author
Harry Eyres has become one of the most eloquent representatives of the worldwide Slow Movement. Having worked for leading newspapers and magazines as a wine writer, theater critic, and poetry editor, he created the international Slow Lane column in the Financial Times in 2004. Slow Lane encourages and facilitates thoughtful enjoyment of the profound, and often uncostly and unmonetized, pleasures and values that make life worth living. Eyres is the author of the poetry collection Hotel Eliseo, Plato's "The Republic": A Beginner's Guide, and several books on wine.

Most helpful customer reviews

7 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
an imperfect but great book
By Pierre Haas
Eyres has written a book with flaws, for sure (he rambles, at times, without one knowing why he quotes what he does), and sometimes he extrapolates and listens in to Horace's conversations, or even guesses what's on his mind. But no matter, he has written a book well worth reading. The first and foremost point is this: why are these guys that lived 2000 years ago important to us today, relevant to our daily lives and to our anxieties? Why did our teachers kill the substance of their writings and turn their relevance to dust? (I studied 7 years of latin and 5 of greek) Eyres hits the nail on the head when he addresses these points: Horace becomes alive in his own context, and relevant to us. Eyres sometimes stretches the point a bit (did Horace really anticipate global warming?), but his broader argument is inmensely topical and contemporary. Wealth and power lead to excess and dissolution, whether the point applies to Roman politicians or to hedge fund managers (or to contemporary Roman politicos...). Read the book, and then go back to Horace and his contemporaries. Fascinating times, theirs and ours.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
An impulse buy that brought unexpected happiness
By Paul H. Rich
I am entirely a layperson regarding Greek or Roman historical figures and had zero knowledge of Horace or Harry Eyres when I learned of this book. I think it was a book review that I read that led me to look on Amazon to see what others thought of it. It was essentially an impulse purchase, as it has been a long time since I've taken the time to read an entire book just for the pleasure of doing so. I am deeply glad that I bought the book and have scratched the surface of the poet Horace and did so through the eyes and mind of a person that has deep knowledge of the language used by Horace (Latin, of course) as well as so much contextual understanding of Horace's surroundings (friendships, economics, politics, culture) because the result was that Horace was very much brought to life. I appreciated the balance chosen for inclusion of actual odes, and the translations were, I thought, beautiful. The backdrop of the journey to the locations in Italy where Horace had roots of some kind was a helpful and effective conveyance for the story. A particularly strong note of influence upon me: there is ample talk of wine and appreciation of wine and wine-making. I love wine and so was perhaps deeply taken in by the extensive sprinkling of wine throughout the book - Horace grows his own grapes and makes his own wine and the author certainly seems to have a sympathetic palate and great appreciation for the way that wine can reflect one's values and philosophy. Though I am not anticipating a surge of inspiration to become a scholar of Horace's work by any means, I am definitely now interested in reading more (translations) of his odes and I would certainly consider buying other works by Harry Eyres. In summary, I highly recommend this book to people that know nothing of the subject, author, or Roman history and poetry. The resulting surprise is wonderful.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
I loved it
By Merryn Williams
My credentials as a Latin scholar are not brilliant. At school I didn't study Horace but Caesar's Commentaries, not the sort of stuff to make a strong appeal to teenage girls. But I loved his poems when I got to know more about them, even though I had to have an English translation on hand. I also loved Harry Eyres' book, which argues that an awful lot of what the great Roman says is relevant today, and which is laid-back, amusing but also serious. Translating Latin poems into decent English poems cannot be easy - but he does it very skilfully. So I immediately sat down and tried to translate 'Eheu fugaces'.

See all 16 customer reviews...

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Saturday, March 5, 2016

## Ebook Download Fortress Israel: The Inside Story of the Military Elite Who Run the Country--and Why They Can't Make Peace, by Patrick Tyler

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Fortress Israel: The Inside Story of the Military Elite Who Run the Country--and Why They Can't Make Peace, by Patrick Tyler

"Once in the military system, Israelis never fully exit," writes the prizewinning journalist Patrick Tyler in the prologue to Fortress Israel. "They carry the military identity for life, not just through service in the reserves until age forty-nine . . . but through lifelong expectations of loyalty and secrecy." The military is the country to a great extent, and peace will only come, Tyler argues, when Israel's military elite adopt it as the national strategy.

Fortress Israel is an epic portrayal of Israel's martial culture―of Sparta presenting itself as Athens. From Israel's founding in 1948, we see a leadership class engaged in an intense ideological struggle over whether to become the "light unto nations," as envisioned by the early Zionists, or to embrace an ideology of state militarism with the objective of expanding borders and exploiting the weaknesses of the Arabs. In his first decade as prime minister, David Ben-Gurion conceived of a militarized society, dominated by a powerful defense establishment and capable of defeating the Arabs in serial warfare over many decades. Bound by self-reliance and a stern resolve never to forget the Holocaust, Israel's military elite has prevailed in war but has also at times overpowered Israel's democracy. Tyler takes us inside the military culture of Moshe Dayan, Yitzhak Rabin, Ariel Sharon, and Benjamin Netanyahu, introducing us to generals who make decisions that trump those of elected leaders and who disdain diplomacy as appeasement or surrender.

Fortress Israel shows us how this martial culture envelops every family. Israeli youth go through three years of compulsory military service after high school, and acceptance into elite commando units or air force squadrons brings lasting prestige and a network for life. So ingrained is the martial outlook and identity, Tyler argues, that Israelis are missing opportunities to make peace even when it is possible to do so. "The Zionist movement had survived the onslaught of world wars, the Holocaust, and clashes of ideology," writes Tyler, "but in the modern era of statehood, Israel seemed incapable of fielding a generation of leaders who could adapt to the times, who were dedicated to ending . . . [Israel's] isolation, or to changing the paradigm of military preeminence."

Based on a vast array of sources, declassified documents, personal archives, and interviews across the spectrum of Israel's ruling class, Fortress Israel is a remarkable story of character, rivalry, conflict, and the competing impulses for war and for peace in the Middle East.

  • Sales Rank: #249731 in Books
  • Published on: 2012-09-18
  • Released on: 2012-09-18
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.29" h x 1.74" w x 6.40" l, 1.87 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 576 pages

Review

“[A] readable and informative new history . . . timely.” ―The Economist

“[A] revealing chronicle of Israeli foreign and defense policy . . . Tyler's well-researched account illuminates an ugly and troubling dimension of Israeli policy and politics.” ―Publishers Weekly

“Tyler presents a sharp critique of the close relationship between the Israeli government and the officer corps of the Israeli military . . . [he] researches deeply and does not pull his punches.” ―Booklist

“Fortress Israel is the definitive historical and analytical account of the role that Israel's military has played both in Israel itself and in the wider Middle East. In Patrick Tyler's deeply reported and very well written account, one learns how a militarized Israeli culture has permeated the decision making of Israel's governments for decades and how that culture affects the calculus of its politicians today. If you want to understand Israel's future--and also how that future may play out in the Middle East--this book is mandatory reading.” ―Peter L. Bergen, author of Manhunt: The Ten-Year Search for Bin Laden from 9/11 to Abbottabad

“In this exceptional book, Patrick Tyler demonstrates with meticulous documentation and revealing interviews with the country's national security experts how Israel's founding military and intelligence leaders were essential to the survival of a young nation. Tyler also tackles the vexed question of our era: Will Israel's warrior ethos and its legacy of zero-sum strategies for dealing with its Arab neighbors and the Palestinians prevent it from crafting a lasting peace? Tyler's analysis of how much the world lost with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin is definitive and heartbreaking. Fortress Israel is essential reading for students of the Middle East.” ―Howell Raines, former executive editor of The New York Times

“With Fortress Israel, Patrick Tyler takes his place in the first rank of historians of Israel and the modern Middle East. He presents a provocative but objective look at the militarism that has driven Israel's leaders since the founding of the state and explains vividly--without ideological cant or bias--why generations of tough-minded sabras have found it so difficult to convert their battlefield successes into a lasting peace.” ―Terence Smith, Israel correspondent for The New York Times during the Six-Day and Yom Kippur Wars

“A rare and often disturbing portrait of Israel's military elite, with all its foibles, rivalries, and vicious infighting.” ―Martin van Creveld, author of The Land of Blood and Honey: The Rise of Modern Israel

About the Author

Patrick Tyler worked for twelve years at The Washington Post before joining The New York Times in 1990, where he served as chief correspondent. His books include Running Critical, A Great Wall (which won the 2000 Lionel Gelber Prize), and A World of Trouble. He lives in Washington, D.C.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
ONE
Ben-Gurion: The Origins of Militarism
 

David Ben-Gurion was splayed across his sickbed at the President Hotel in West Jerusalem, down with a miasma of symptoms in late October 1955 as he often was in times of high tension, and, lately, Ben-Gurion appeared to be living on tension. He had complained of lumbago in August but now was suffering from dizziness, and his doctors, fearing an ominous turn, had hospitalized him for a battery of tests.1 Some thought that he might have suffered a stroke.2 At sixty-nine, Ben-Gurion, Israel’s founding prime minister, seemed to be near the end of his life. Dwight Eisenhower had been leveled by a heart attack the previous month, Winston Churchill had retired in April, Stalin was dead. The passing of a generation appeared to be at hand.
But in Jerusalem, the patient refused to stay down, and the reason Ben-Gurion was too restless and irritable to remain bedridden was the arrival of intelligence reports that Soviet cargo ships were landing in Egypt to deliver—from the Eastern bloc—all manner of heavy weapons: tanks, artillery, fighter jets, bombers, and submarines. Egypt’s power under the new military dictator, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, would double or triple within a year. The implication was alarming: Nasser would stand as the colossus of the Arab world.
How could Israel breathe with bombers and submarines lurking off its coastline? Ben-Gurion asked. He had been in London during the blitz, and anyone could imagine how totally exposed Tel Aviv stood on the Mediterranean coast, where it could be reduced to rubble in a surprise attack.
Abba Eban, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, had cabled from New York that it was time to consider a preventive war. Two top intelligence chiefs, Isser Harel of the Mossad, and Yehoshafat Harkabi of military intelligence, had both sent Ben-Gurion secret recommendations that a preemptive strike was necessary to stop Egypt’s military breakout. And of course Nasser was stoking Jewish anxiety by having Radio Cairo blare out a staccato of vitriol: “The day of Israel’s annihilation is approaching. There will be no peace on the border, for we demand revenge. This means death to Israel.”3
“Revenge!” Nasser’s call rolled across Sinai like the scourge of Pharaoh.
The white tufts of hair rose from Ben-Gurion’s balding pate like solar flares, and if his blood pressure was not spiking at that moment, it was under assault by waves of frustration over Israel’s failure, in his view, to act more decisively, more aggressively against the Arabs.
From his sickbed, Ben-Gurion called out to Nehemiah Argov, his military aide, instructing him to send a message to Moshe Dayan, the chief of staff of the Israeli Defense Forces. Tell him to cut short his vacation in France, Ben-Gurion instructed. He must return to Israel at once because—and this was not spelled out in the message—Ben-Gurion was ready to go to war even if Moshe Sharett and the rest of the leadership of Mapai, the Workers’ Party, were not.4
This was the beginning—the origins of Israeli militarism.
In the middle of Israel’s first decade, Ben-Gurion, infirm and apocalyptic about the future of the Jewish state, the loss of pioneering spirit among the Jews, the slowing of Jewish immigration, and the erosion of political support for his leadership, began to exhort his defense establishment to think beyond the self-evident tasks of securing the borders, finding weapons, and training recruits who spoke a polyglot of languages.
During an eighteen-month period of semiretirement from mid-1953 to early 1955, Ben-Gurion began thinking and speaking about a more ambitious national military strategy, one that contemplated with certainty a new round of warfare with the Arabs, called for expansion of the Jewish state through preemptive attacks with modern conventional forces, and—it seemed almost impossible for such a small state to think in such terms—the acquisition of atomic bombs as a fail-safe weapon to preserve the Jewish people. The new militant spirit was the culmination of Ben-Gurion’s long ferment about the conflict with the Arabs, but also, inescapably, it arose from his deep anxiety about the political lassitude of his people and their flagging support for his leadership. Ben-Gurion understood, or at least hoped, that war—militarism in the face of an Arab threat—might remobilize the Israelis. Faced with the prospect of retirement, Ben-Gurion also came to the conclusion that he had no equal in the Zionist hierarchy, and he seemed therefore determined to extend his political franchise as a paramount leader. He advanced with an irritable self-assurance and visceral compulsion to outmaneuver the stalwarts of his own political party, Mapai, who were treating him, because of his advanced age, like a dead relative.
*   *   *
At that moment in the mid-1950s, only a handful of people knew that the Israeli army—with Ben-Gurion’s encouragement and explicit approval—had been conducting clandestine raids into Syria, Jordan, Egypt, and other Arab territories. Despite the fact that he was not—for the time being—prime minister, Ben-Gurion advocated this policy of escalation, but the sitting prime minister, Moshe Sharett, was against the raids in principle.5
Ben-Gurion had exhorted the army’s commanders to go on the offensive and to do so covertly, to deceive the Americans, the British, and the United Nations, and to avoid the imposition of sanctions. The military had formed a special unit to carry out the cross-border operations. It was headed by a brash young officer named Arik Scheinerman—eventually to be known to the world as Ariel Sharon.
More disturbing for Israel’s young democracy, it was painfully obvious within the ruling party that the leaders of the defense establishment, especially Dayan, were making regular visits to Ben-Gurion’s retreat in the Negev for consultation and instruction at a time when Ben-Gurion was supposed to be in retirement. From his windswept porch, Ben-Gurion had schemed to circumvent the “old guard” of the Mapai—Sharett, Levi Eshkol, Golda Meir, and their allies—in his quest to put the country back on the attack. In doing so, he relied extensively on the younger generation of sabras and their like-minded comrades throughout the army, where the thirst for combat with the Arabs—a “second round” of war—was far from quenched.
It was there, in the army, that Ben-Gurion had discovered Dayan, a tenacious fighter of the Jewish underground during the world war. (Dayan’s father, Shmuel, was among Ben-Gurion’s loyalists in the Knesset.) It was there that Ben-Gurion had spotted Yitzhak Rabin, the young officer of the Palmach militia, the elite fighting force, who had proved his loyalty to the state by attacking a rival militia—the Irgun of Menachem Begin—on the beach in Tel Aviv. (Begin had tried to land arms against Ben-Gurion’s order.) And it was there that Ben-Gurion had glimpsed young Arik Scheinerman, the bright-eyed and bullheaded commando who pushed the boundaries of every mission with a brutality that struck fear into the Arab camp.
*   *   *
Prime Minister Moshe Sharett, who since 1933 had worked at Ben-Gurion’s side in the Jewish Agency, which helped Diaspora Jews settle in Israel, seemed to be out of the loop in his own government. Before Ben-Gurion slipped away to the desert, he had surrounded Sharett with protégés who ignored or circumvented the acting prime minister’s prerogatives. That was the essence of the “plot”—it seemed the only word to describe it—that Ben-Gurion had laid to ensure that Sharett’s premiership would fail. And Sharett’s failure would, almost certainly, open a political path for Ben-Gurion’s return to high office.
Israel’s cross-border raids carried a high risk of international condemnation. They were violations of the armistice agreement that had ended the 1948–49 war. Both sides—Arab and Israeli—had agreed to take border disputes and refugee problems to the joint armistice commissions, where officers from both armies were charged by the United Nations to resolve disputes and defuse tensions.
Some of the secret Israeli raids were organized as reprisals for Arab infiltrations or acts of violence because about seven hundred thousand Palestinian Arabs had fled their ancestral homes—many under Israeli coercion—and it was inevitable that some would try to return. The refugees were living in squalid camps in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria with little food or shelter. From across the frontier, they watched Israelis take over their houses, orchards, and fields. Of those who risked returning, most came to recover property or to harvest crops. But some came to wreak vengeance, and that was a source of fear.
Israeli commandos crossed the borders to commit sabotage, shoot Arabs randomly, and engage in firefights with Arab frontier forces, all to deter the refugees from trying to return. Though these incursions were violations, Ben-Gurion and the most militant commanders in the army believed that the Arabs understood only force. Further, the Israeli army believed that the armistice lines could be changed to improve Israel’s position before they became internationally recognized borders.
The Israeli army had managed to seize 78 percent of the territory of the British Mandate as it existed in 1947, but the slender reed of Israel the country—merely nine miles wide just north of Tel Aviv—was far less than what Ben-Gurion believed was needed to support a modern state. No one in the Middle East, least of all Ben-Gurion, believed that the war with the Arabs was over. There would be a second round. He was counting on it.
So was Pinhas Lavon, who at fifty-six saw him...

Most helpful customer reviews

35 of 48 people found the following review helpful.
An excellent history of Israel
By Sydney reader
This book is 500 pages long and there isn't a boring page in it. Is it critical of Israel? Yes, it is. A constant theme throughout is that Israel is far too militaristic and has rarely tried diplomatic means to achieve its objectives. Whether true or not, there is a lot of information in here which appears in no other books on this topic. The author's knowledge of the main players is astounding, and the footnotes attest to meticulous research. While there will never be a last word on this topic, this book is an excellent contribution and a great read for anyone wishing to understand how the Middle East got into such a mess.

13 of 18 people found the following review helpful.
A much needed addition for the serious student of the Middle East and the Israeli/Palestinian Conflict
By William L. Yontz
An extremely thorough and well documented piece of non-fiction that overwhelmingly makes the case that the Israeli culture is all about the IDF. I've read around 50 books about the Middle East/Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.....this is the most meaningful and sobering. What I thought were aspects of the Israeli culture, are, in fact, the entirety of it's leadership culture.

7 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Tyler Fails to Make Case
By I.O.Pine
The subtitle of Tyler's book makes a bold claim, but Tyler neither shows that a military elite runs Israel nor that those who run Israel cannot make peace. As the Israeli historian Benny Morris has noted, most of the leaders of Israel have not been in the military. The current prime minister was in the military but hardly one of its elite. Those who dominate Israel today and who are unlikely to make peace are right wing ideologues whose military background, if any, is largely irrelevant to their politics. Tyler has misdiagnosed the problem.

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Friday, March 4, 2016

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Beowulf: A New Verse TranslationFrom Farrar, Straus and Giroux

A brilliant and faithful rendering of the Anglo-Saxon epic from the Nobel laureate.

Composed toward the end of the first millennium of our era, Beowulf is the elegiac narrative of the adventures of Beowulf, a Scandinavian hero who saves the Danes from the seemingly invincible monster Grendel and, later, from Grendel's mother. He then returns to his own country and dies in old age in a vivid fight against a dragon. The poem is about encountering the monstrous, defeating it, and then having to live on in the exhausted aftermath. In the contours of this story, at once remote and uncannily familiar at the end of the twentieth century, Seamus Heaney finds a resonance that summons power to the poetry from deep beneath its surface.

Drawn to what he has called the "four-squareness of the utterance" in Beowulf and its immense emotional credibility, Heaney gives these epic qualities new and convincing reality for the contemporary reader.

  • Sales Rank: #65047 in Books
  • Published on: 2000-02-15
  • Released on: 2000-02-15
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.32" h x .93" w x 6.31" l, 1.16 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 256 pages
Features
  • Bilingual edition

Amazon.com Review
In Beowulf warriors must back up their mead-hall boasts with instant action, monsters abound, and fights are always to the death. The Anglo-Saxon epic, composed between the 7th and 10th centuries, has long been accorded its place in literature, though its hold on our imagination has been less secure. In the introduction to his translation, Seamus Heaney argues that Beowulf's role as a required text for many English students obscured its mysteries and "mythic potency." Now, thanks to the Irish poet's marvelous recreation (in both senses of the word) under Alfred David's watch, this dark, doom-ridden work gets its day in the sun.

There are endless pleasures in Heaney's analysis, but readers should head straight for the poem and then to the prose. (Some will also take advantage of the dual-language edition and do some linguistic teasing out of their own.) The epic's outlines seem simple, depicting Beowulf's three key battles with the scaliest brutes in all of art: Grendel, Grendel's mother (who's in a suitably monstrous snit after her son's dismemberment and death), and then, 50 years later, a gold-hoarding dragon "threatening the night sky / with streamers of fire." Along the way, however, we are treated to flashes back and forward and to a world view in which a thane's allegiance to his lord and to God is absolute. In the first fight, the man from Geatland must travel to Denmark to take on the "shadow-stalker" terrorizing Heorot Hall. Here Beowulf and company set sail: Men climbed eagerly up the gangplank,
sand churned in the surf, warriors loaded
a cargo of weapons, shining war-gear
in the vessel's hold, then heaved out,
away with a will in their wood-wreathed ship.
Over the waves, with the wind behind her
and foam at her neck, she flew like a bird... After a fearsome night victory over march-haunting and heath-marauding Grendel, our high-born hero is suitably strewn with gold and praise, the queen declaring: "Your sway is wide as the wind's home, / as the sea around cliffs." Few will disagree. And remember, Beowulf has two more trials to undergo.

Heaney claims that when he began his translation it all too often seemed "like trying to bring down a megalith with a toy hammer." The poem's challenges are many: its strong four-stress line, heavy alliteration, and profusion of kennings could have been daunting. (The sea is, among other things, "the whale-road," the sun is "the world's candle," and Beowulf's third opponent is a "vile sky-winger." When it came to over-the-top compound phrases, the temptations must have been endless, but for the most part, Heaney smiles, he "called a sword a sword.") Yet there are few signs of effort in the poet's Englishing. Heaney varies his lines with ease, offering up stirring dialogue, action, and description while not stinting on the epic's mix of fate and fear. After Grendel's misbegotten mother comes to call, the king's evocation of her haunted home may strike dread into the hearts of men and beasts, but it's a gift to the reader: A few miles from here
a frost-stiffened wood waits and keeps watch
above a mere; the overhanging bank
is a maze of tree-roots mirrored in its surface.
At night there, something uncanny happens:
the water burns. And the mere bottom
has never been sounded by the sons of men.
On its bank, the heather-stepper halts:
the hart in flight from pursuing hounds
will turn to face them with firm-set horns
and die in the wood rather than dive
beneath its surface. That is no good place. In Heaney's hands, the poem's apparent archaisms and Anglo-Saxon attitudes--its formality, blood-feuds, and insane courage--turn the art of an ancient island nation into world literature. --Kerry Fried

From Publishers Weekly
When the great monster Grendel comes to Denmark and dashes its warriors' hopes, installing himself in their great hall and eating alive the valiant lords, the hero Beowulf arrives from over the ocean to wrestle the beast. He saves the Danes, who sing of his triumphs, but soon the monster's mother turns up to take him hostage: having killed her, our hero goes home to the land of the Geats, acquires the kingship, and fights to the death an enormous dragon. That's the plot of this narrative poem, composed more than a millennium ago in the Germanic language that gave birth (eventually) to our version of English. Long a thing for professors to gloss, the poem includes battles, aggressive boasts, glorious funerals, frightening creatures and a much-studied alliterative meter; earlier versions in current vernacular have pleased lay readers and helped hard-pressed students. Nobel laureate Heaney has brought forth a finely wrought, controversial (for having won a prize over a children's book) modern English version, one which retains, even recommends, the archaic strengths of its warrior world, where "The Spear-Danes in days gone by/ and the kings who ruled them had courage and greatness." Well-known digressionsAa detailed dirge, the tale-within-a-tale of Hengest, "homesick and helpless" in ancient FrieslandAfind their ways into Heaney's English, which holds to the spirit (not always the letter) of the en face Anglo-Saxon, fusing swift story and seamless description, numinous adjectives and earthy nouns: in one swift scene of difficult swimming, "Shoulder to shoulder, we struggled on/ for five nights, until the long flow/ and pitch of the waves, the perishing cold drove us apart. The deep boiled up/ and its wallowing sent the sea-brutes wild." Heaney's evocative introduction voices his long-felt attraction to the poem's "melancholy fortitude," describing the decades his rendering took and the use he discovered for dialect terms. It extends in dramatic fashion Heaney's long-term archeological delvings, his dig into the origins of his beloved, conflictedAby politics and placeAEnglish language. (Feb.)
Copyright 2000 Reed Business Information, Inc.

From Library Journal
There are over 20 translations of this Old English epic into modern English, from the prose version of E. Talbot Donaldson to the verse renditions of Burton Raffel and Stanley Greenfield. The appearance of this new translation by Nobel Laureate Heaney, and especially its replacement of the Donaldson Beowulf in the Norton Anthology, instantly elevates it in the canon. Recognizing that ordinary native English dialects still contain much of the vocabulary found in Old English, Heaney tries to evoke the diction and syntax of a living language. He captures the alliterative rhythm without monotony (although he loses some of the subtle shifts of mood, making the world of Beowulf seem more primitive than it was). Heaney is especially good at creating the elegiac tone of the work. In all, this is good poetry, if not always true to the original. This bilingual edition contains a valuable introduction by Heaney and a note on names by Alfred David. For public and academic libraries.
-Thomas L. Cooksey, Armstrong State Coll., Savannah, GA
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Most helpful customer reviews

262 of 278 people found the following review helpful.
Heaney was the right man for this job
By David Benioff
I don't have the academic background to compare Heaney's translation with the many that have come before; the only time I had read the poem previously was back in college, and all I remembered was Beowulf tearing Grendel's arm off. So, as someone coming to the poem blissfully ignorant, I'm happy to report that Heaney does a spectacular job. Someone smart once said that the only way to judge a translation is on the translation's own merits; that's lucky for me as I'm a dunce with Old English. I looked over the facing pages (the Old English pages, in my edition), and sometimes read them aloud to get a feel for their cadence and sound, but I trusted in Heaney to tell me the story, and what a story he tells.
I've always admired the tough beauty of his poetry; his lines tend to stomp about, a brawl of consonants, irredeemably masucline. What better interpreter, than, for the hypermacho world of Beowulf, where the men gnaw on bones and gulp down their mead and stagger off to fight monsters and get eviscerated. I'm not mocking the saga-- it's awfully good fun, and I'm pleased to see it's selling so well. Heaney's favorite themes, violence and memory, lurk in the heart of Beowulf.
Very nice to see a Nobel laureate refusing to rest on his laurels.

3 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Not your Father's Beowulf!
By Drewster
Like many students of the Middle Ages, I was forced to read one of the abominable (substitute "word-for-word") translations of this venerable and noble tale when I was in college. A friend of mine once said, "It is against the law to enjoy Beowulf" and based upon my own experience, I had to agree.
Well, not any more. In fact, when I finished this wonderful version (and I read it in only three sittings, it kept me so absorbed) I lent it to my current boss, who just happens to be the person quoted above! I am sure she will enjoy it as much as I did. Go thou and do the same.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
A wonderful accomplishment
By Amazon Customer
More than a new translation, Seamus Heaney's Beowolf is a transformation. I read Beowolf many years ago, inspired by John Gardener's Grendel. No, I never 'had' to read it in college. I liked it then, but I loved Heaney's gift of a verse translation accessible to the modern reader. This was a poem Heaney was born to write, less a translation than a collaboration with the long-gone Poet who gave us Beowolf.

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Thursday, March 3, 2016

## Download Ebook The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, by Amartya Sen

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The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity, by Amartya Sen

A Nobel Laureate offers a dazzling new book about his native country
India is a country with many distinct traditions, widely divergent customs, vastly different convictions, and a veritable feast of viewpoints. In The Argumentative Indian, Amartya Sen draws on a lifetime study of his country’s history and culture to suggest the ways we must understand India today in the light of its rich, long argumentative tradition.
The millenia-old texts and interpretations of Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Muslim, agnostic, and atheistic Indian thought demonstrate, Sen reminds us, ancient and well-respected rules for conducting debates and disputations, and for appreciating not only the richness of India’s diversity but its need for toleration.
Though Westerners have often perceived India as a place of endless spirituality and unreasoning mysticism, he underlines its long tradition of skepticism and reasoning, not to mention its secular contributions to mathematics, astronomy, linguistics, medicine, and political economy.
Sen discusses many aspects of India’s rich intellectual and political heritage, including philosophies of governance from Kautilya’s and Ashoka’s in the fourth and third centuries BCE to Akbar’s in the 1590s; the history and continuing relevance of India’s relations with China more than a millennium ago; its old and well-organized calendars; the films of Satyajit Ray and the debates between Gandhi and the visionary poet Tagore about India's past, present, and future.
The success of India’s democracy and defense of its secular politics depend, Sen argues, on understanding and using this rich argumentative tradition. It is also essential to removing the inequalities (whether of caste, gender, class, or community) that mar Indian life, to stabilizing the now precarious conditions of a nuclear-armed subcontinent, and to correcting what Sen calls the politics of deprivation. His invaluable book concludes with his meditations on pluralism, on dialogue and dialectics in the pursuit of social justice, and on the nature of the Indian identity.

  • Sales Rank: #504108 in Books
  • Published on: 2005-10-12
  • Released on: 2005-10-05
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.25" w x 6.25" l,
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 432 pages

From Publishers Weekly
As India's multicultural society confronts violent sectarianism at home and a range of destabilizing forces internationally, these illuminating essays from Nobel Prize–winning economist Sen (most of which began as articles or lectures over the past decade) offer a timely and cogent examination of the country's long history of heterodoxy and public discourse. With sparkling erudition and crisp prose, Sen reminds readers of a capacious cultural legacy that has nourished a plethora of religious communities (including Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Jewish, Christian, Muslim, Parsee, Sikh and Baha'i), as well as a venerable line of atheist and materialist thought, while fostering ancient advances in science and mathematics, and inclusive theories of governance. Challenging the notion of the West as sole originator of liberal values, the book—which ranges over subjects as diverse as India's ancient calendars, nuclear arms policy, relationship with China, gender and class inequality, representations in the Western imagination and the competing national visions of Tagore and Gandhi—bears forcefully on contemporary debates over multiculturalism, secularism and postcolonial identity. Sen's lucid reasoning and thoroughgoing humanism, meanwhile, ensure a lively and commanding defense of diversity and dialogue. (Oct.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Review
"India, going back for generations, has offered us masterful political, philosophic and economic commentary. That grace endures, and Amartya Sen is now its leading contributor. Nothing, whether from India or from the world at large, could surpass the essays in The Argumentative Indian. As will many others, I endorse this book for all." --John Kenneth Galbraith
"Sen denounces--and indeed disproves--the bigoted view that reason is essentially Western or European. India, he makes plain, has a long tradition of civil debate, of secular thought and of contributions to math and science. The opening essays are broadly historical, but Sen moves on to issues of greater relevance and urgency...Collections of previously published essays often prove uneven; this one is remarkably uniform in theme and quality...ultimately revelatory." --Kirkus Reviews

"Of the stream of eloquent Indians who have enlivened modern intellectual life...Amartya Sen is perhaps the most versatile and most determinedly argumentative...His present collection is a bracing sweep through aspects of Indian history and culture, and a tempered analysis of the highly charged disputes surrounding these subjects - the nature of Hindu traditions, Indian identity, the country's huge social and economic disparities, and its current place in the world ...If ever there was a global intellectual, it is Sen...his true distinctiveness becomes clear when seen against the background of two [rich] historical traditions: ...of classical political economy, and of social criticism and reform: the call and response of British liberal imperialism and Indian cosmopolitan nationalism... Sen wants us to notice the strong individuality of [Indian] culture...but his view of India is also critical. His essays take unsparing measure of India's social and economic problems...Although Sen is free with his judgments, his writing maintains a coolly embattled tone, as well as an unfailing, old-style courtesy...[He] is a distinguished inheritor of the tradition of public philosophy and reasoning - Roy, Tagore, Gandhi, Nehru." --Sunil Khilnani, Financial Times

"Mr. Sen's interests...extend far beyond the work that won him the Nobel...The 16 chapters range from an appreciation of Rabindranath Tagore, a great poet of Mr. Sen's native Bengal, to an examination of the historic intellectual links between India and China, to a discussion of India's wealth of sophisticated calendars... Mr. Sen shows that the argumentative gene is not just a part of India's make-up that cannot be wished away. It is an essential part of its survival - and an advantage."
--The Economist

"Sen is unquestionably one of the most distinguished minds of our time . . . Yet while the pieces here are, as one would expect, enjoyably erudite and full of intriguing insights, they are not written in acadamese...Instead, the book is formed from a series of elegantly written historical and philosophical essays which cohere to form a single argument: that the sheer diversity of views and faiths and competing ideas that have always coexisted in India has naturally led to a fecund and tolerant argumentative tradition.
… profound and stimulating . . . erudite and sophisticated . . . engaging and thought-provoking. The product of such a great mind at the peak of its power, it is one of the most stimulating books about India to be written for years, and it deserves the widest possible readership." --William Dalrymple, The Sunday Times (London)

"EP Thompson once wrote that since 'all the convergent influences of the world'...run through India, 'there is not a thought that is being thought in the west or east that is not active in some Indian mind'...It is certainly rare to see them as elegantly synthesised as they are in the cosmopolitan mind of Amartya Sen...His prose is benignly professorial, always measured, and occasionally rises to dry irony...He wants to see how the argumentative tradition in India can be deployed against 'societal inequity and asymmetry' and what actual use can be 'made of the opportunities of democratic articulation and of political engagement'...'Silence is a powerful enemy of social justice,' Sen writes."--Pankaj Mishra, The Guardian

"In this superb collection of essays, Sen smashes quite a few stereotypes and places the idea of India and Indianness in its rightful, deserved context. Central to his notion of India...is the long tradition of argument and public debate, of intellectual pluralism and generosity that informs India's history.
One of the book's many triumphs is its tone. Sen does not indulge in triumphalism about his country's past...he propounds a view of Hinduism as an inclusive philosophy rather than an exclusionist, divisive religion. This view of Hinduism is mature enough and magnanimous enough to accommodate dissenting views and 'even profound skepticism.'...This is a book that needed to have been written. The perception of India in the West and, indeed, among Indians themselves has never been more amorphous as it is now. The Argumentative Indian will provide a new dimension and perspective to that perception. It would be no surprise if it were to become as defining and influential a work as Edward Said's Orientalism." --Soumya Bhattacharya, The Observer (London)

About the Author
Amartya Sen is Lamont University Professor at Harvard. He won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1998 and was Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1998–2004. His most recent books are Development as Freedom (Knopf, 1999) and Rationality and Freedom (Harvard University Press, 2002). His books have been translated into thirty languages.

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115 of 130 people found the following review helpful.
The Argumentative Intellectual
By Sanjay Agarwal
According to Indian tradition, a dialogue can be of three types: 'vaad', or a discussion, which seeks to understand the opponent's point of view and explain one's own in order to reach the truth; 'vivaad' or an argument, which seeks to impose one's own point of view over that of the other; and the third, 'vitandavaad', which merely seeks to demolish the other person's views, without really offering any alternative system. Mr. Sen has, therefore, titled the book quite accurately, except that unwittingly he has thus revealed his own self-perception. An argumentative intellectual - not seeking the truth, but merely propagating his own views.

Mr. Sen seeks to demonstrate that India is a multi-hued society of many shades and composite cultures. It is also wrongly seen as primarily a spiritual culture, as it has many other talents as well. This is quite elementary. In order to do so, he ranges over a vast number of topics, and offers extremely interesting information about a number of them. He has a typically wry sense of humor, which is rather appreciable. He also has an axe to grind, which keeps making a screeching distraction throughout.

That axe is his grudge against the hard-line Hindu politics, particularly the BJP, RSS and its assorted allies. This keeps getting in his way, and he keeps making short raids to take pot shots at them. This becomes irritating after a little while. In reality, BJP / RSS do not influence or define Indian culture to the extent that we must become obsessed with them to the point of distraction. One also finds that this grudge leads him to constantly twist arguments and facts, in order to enable him to take a better shot at his arch-enemies: BJP/RSS.

Coming back to his argumentativeness, we find that he repeatedly mentions Javali, and his advice to Lord Rama in Valmiki's Ramayana. On page xi-xii, he mentions that Javali, who was critical of Lord Rama, has been given a lot of space in Ramayana. Then again on page 26, he gives him a full para, describing Javali's advice in great detail. We meet Javali again on page 47, and are told that he called Lord Rama's actions as 'foolish'. Javali pops up again on page 159, with the same advice.

Two issues arise out of Mr. Sen's treatment of Javali: 1. He does not mention the context in which Javali made these statements. Javali has come to the forest to persuade Lord Rama to return to Ayodhya and assume Kingship after his father's death. 2. He does not mention Lord Rama's subsequent reasoned rebuttal of Javali's arguments, and Javali's hasty and abject turn-around (in his anger, Rama concludes by suggesting that atheists such as Javali should be put to death).

Javali then says that he was merely making up these arguments, in order to persuade Lord Rama to return to Ayodhya - he goes on to mention that this is permitted as a tactic to achieve a desirable end, and Rama should not think poorly of him.

To continue: Mr. Sen approvingly emphasizes that Ramayana gives a lot of space to Javali, who is propounding a counterview to the main argument of Ramayana. Mr. Sen's thesis also is that India is a land of many cultures, and all people have a right to voice their views and be heard. However, Mr. Sen himself is unable to hold up this great tradition of `poorva paksh' and `uttara paksh' (roughly prior-view and post-view). He does not present or reproduce the arguments of his opponents at all. And when he mentions these, he does it in such disparaging and value-loaded terms that you do not at all get an idea of what their argument was.

This, in my view, is a definite demonstration of his approach and objective: to impose his own views over that of others. This is the objective of an argument - where the other person is not convinced, he merely shuts up, unable to counter it properly, in the face of superior intellect or argumentative skills.

Let us now look at his facts, as presented in 'India through Its Calendars'. He tells us that the Saka era is the most widely used indigenous calendar in India: it is not. It is used mainly in some Southern parts of India and Maharashtra. Northern and Central states, as also Gujarat, use the Vikram era, which is also used in Nepal. Bengal uses the Bangla era.

Then he goes on to set up a straw man of the Kaliyuga calendar dating based on Whitaker's almanac. Mr. Sen states that according to Whitaker's Alamanac, Gregorian year 2000 corresponded with Year 6001 in the Kaliyuga calendar. Actually, according to Whitaker's, it corresponded with Year 5101 (see Hindu_calendar - Regional_variants at Wikipedia.org). He then devotes considerable space to first proving that this was right, as this is the 'official date of the Kaliyuga calendar'. Here he makes an elementary arithmetical error referring to Calendar Reform Committee and making it sound as if 5055+46 is rightly equal to 6001! Then he goes on to prove that the calendar is off - it should actually be Kaliyuga 5101 !! This, I suspect, was done in order to hurriedly get into position to take a pot-shot at `Indian chauvinists' (p.322, 323, last para). Unfortunately, he seems to have shot himself in the foot (or put his foot in the mouth, to mix the metaphors a little).

We are also told that the Indian calendars were mainly secular calendar systems, which were used for all purposes, including religious ones. This is quite a confusing statement. In the Indian tradition, secularism had no place or need. The king also had religious advisers, who guided him on all political as well as religious affairs. Secondly, these calendars were designed and maintained mainly by Brahmin priests, who used them to identify correct times for various religious rituals, as well as to predict auspicious moments for important business and state matters.

Then we are told that the `mala masa' (extra month) is added to correct the calendar shifting that creeps in due to error in value of days in a solar year (365.25875 days instead of the correct 365.24220 days). Actually, the mala masa is added every three years to reconcile the lunar calendar with the solar calendar.

He is also under the impression (p.331) that Indian calendars are solar calendars - actually mostly these are composite calendars, where the lunar and the solar passage is tracked side by side. In fact, there are five aspects in all, which are tracked and reconciled simultaneously, hence the name 'panchang' (having five parts) is used for Indian calendars.

Mr. Sen offers copious notes and references. Some of these are themselves quite interesting, though a great many tend to be from Left-oriented perspective, or commentators. This is acceptable and discountable, once we know and accept Mr. Sen's own political preferences. Quite a few of the references tend to be to his own writings or to that of his own family members, which sounds a bit like plugging.

For page references, I have used the hardcover Penguin edition published under the Allen Lane banner. The book has been bound nicely, has a beautifully illustrated cover and is printed well. However, the paper is rather like newsprint, and tends to absorb ink, if you like making notes in the margins. The book is also quite large - you can't carry it with you on trips, so it may be a good idea to go for the paperback.

After reading both 'Identity and Violence' (Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (Issues of Our Time)), and 'Argumentative Indian', it is reasonably clear that the political animal in Mr. Sen is more wily than the intellectual in him. Treat his historical, cultural books as engaging, interesting but carefully disguised polemic, and you will be quite fine.

10 of 11 people found the following review helpful.
The Argumentative Indian
By Basab K. Mookerjee
This is an important collection of essays by Dr.Amartya Sen for any reader interested in the full range of philosophic viewpoints in India"s cultural heritage. Often portrayed as a land of uncritical religiosity, Dr.Sen brings out India's long tradition of skepticism,doubt and critical reasoning including a considerable body of non-theistic literature. He argues that this rational argumentative tradition has been crucial in the development of India's secular polity and it's application will be essential in the ultimate success of her democratic framework and future social harmony. The book is beautifully written and each essay is a joy to read.A wide range of India's literary,philosophic,religious,scientific and mathematical contributions is comprehensively covered. It should be essential reading for anyone seriously interested in contemporary India and her heritage.

40 of 53 people found the following review helpful.
A Different India
By Arch Llewellyn
Amartya Sen's dispassionate, closely reasoned and utterly convincing essays reveal an India that should be much better known: a civilization with a long history of public debate and vibrant heterodoxy that goes back at least to the Vedas, and that informs many aspects of civic life today in the world's largest democracy.

Sen's Argumentative Indian argues against Western interpretations of India as a land of airy mysticism and religious speculation whose democratic traditions were imposed by the British; at the same time, with a firm but even hand he corrects the more recent Hindu fundamentalist view that wants to impose a narrow, `miniaturized' version of the nation that excludes the contributions of Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, Jews, and thinkers of no particular religious persuasion at all.

Sen addresses the fact that this cultural predilection for argument and debate (along with a healthy respect for opposing points of view) has done little to change the vast social inequalities in India. But his book isn't so much about looking backward as it is about finding a usable past that Indians can take pride in as they look forward to a more global future. Along the way, Sen makes a lucid and compelling case for pluralism in all its forms in a century where fundamentalisms, East and West, are sadly on the rise. Sen's India is one I think the rest of the world could learn a lot from.

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